Current Issues In The Philippines – Policy issue snapshot: School Infrastructure in the Philippines: Where are we now and how can we improve things?
According to the 2020 Human Capital Index released by the World Bank, Filipino children born in 2020 are expected to achieve just over half of their potential by the time they turn 18. This suggests that these children may not have accumulated full human capital in terms of full education and full health by the time they become part of the next generation of workers. An immediate and major intervention is needed in the health and education sectors to address this serious problem. For the latter, ensuring adequate and equitable access to quality school infrastructure is a key intervention to improve the delivery of educational services and learning environments.
Current Issues In The Philippines
This infographic examines the current state of school infrastructure in the primary education sector in the country. It also presents gaps and challenges in building school infrastructure in primary education and recommends forward policy measures.
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The information presented here is based on the 2022-10 Discussion Paper Series “School Infrastructure in the Philippines: Where Are We Now and Where Should We Go?” Posted by Adoracion Navarro Senior Research Fellow. This publication can be downloaded from here:
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Poverty and inequality remain a challenge in the Philippines. Over the past four decades, the percentage of households living below the official poverty line has slowly and unevenly decreased.
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Economic growth has gone through boom-and-bust cycles, and recent episodes of moderate economic expansion have had limited impact on the poor. Large disparities between income groups, regions, and sectors, as well as unmanaged population growth, are major factors impeding poverty reduction efforts.
The report comprehensively analyzes the causes of poverty and recommends ways to accelerate poverty reduction and achieve more inclusive growth. There is a need to improve the government’s poverty reduction strategy in the near and short term and the participation of key sectors for a collective and coordinated response to the problem. In the medium and long term, the government must pursue the necessary economic reforms to achieve sustainable and inclusive growth. Rodrigo Duterte and his supporters appear to be using the public health crisis to rob their opponents at home.
Nothing seems to have divided politics and society more in the Philippines – and then came the coronavirus. Only three cases have been confirmed in the country, but rampant fears and unchecked fears are playing into the current divide.
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The first half of President Rodrigo Duterte’s term has steadily widened this divide, with controversies over the deadly war on drugs, attacks on the media, the judiciary and, most recently, a breakdown in US relations. The public health crisis adds to an already crowded pool of headlines.
The Philippines has been a bit far in this area in its rhetoric towards China. Although Duterte canceled a “solidarity” visit to Beijing, his government has been repeatedly accused of showing goodwill to China at the expense of the Filipinos, unlike his Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen.
Critics say the government has been slow to issue travel bans on China and its territory in the wake of the virus outbreak, which has swept across much of Southeast Asia. While the usefulness of such a ban is in dispute, the optics gave a “yellow light,” as Duterte’s opposition is known, fueling allegations that the president is ceding sovereignty to China, first in the South China Sea and now over public health.
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The public health crisis has added to an already crowded set of headlines for President Rodrigo Duterte (Photo: ROK/Flickr).
This is an argument that has been followed since the early days of Duterte’s leadership. Taking office in 2016, just weeks before an international court ruled in favor of the Philippines’ claim over disputed waters in the South China Sea, he softened the country’s official stance on Beijing, angering left-leaning activists. It is busy securing investment as prominent pundits question vociferously whether infrastructure projects could be “Trojan horses with disastrous consequences for the Philippines”.
Now, by pinning its initially slow coronavirus response to investment, the Duterte administration is struggling to establish credibility in the fight against racism against China.
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Authorities ordered stricter screening of travelers entering the country from Hubei province in early January, but have struggled to get information and public concerns under control as the crisis escalates in China and across Southeast Asia.
A slowdown in flights between the Philippines and Wuhan temporarily eased fears, but with the confirmation of the first case in the Philippines on January 30, public fears increased. A 38-year-old Chinese national is believed to have contracted the virus in his home city of Wuhan. Days later, a 44-year-old Chinese national died in a Manila hospital – the first coronavirus-related death outside of China.
An order in late January to repatriate Filipinos in China helped quell criticism of the Duterte administration. “China will help us,” Foreign Affairs Minister Teddy Locsin Jr. wrote in a tweet, often laden with insults, that planes sent from Manila to bring back citizens will be loaded with donations of supplies for a hospital in Hubei province.
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When our plane heads to Hubei, Filipinos who want to leave the plane are loaded with food, masks and anything they can find. And in this case, DFA is paying for it because I don’t care much about auditing. China helps us. We help China. she spoke. https://t.co/bZL2jwGKAh — Teddy Locsin Jr. (@teddyboylocsin) February 7, 2020
Less kind words were reserved for left-wing critics. In domestic discourse almost everywhere, the alt-right in the Philippines has consistently accused the left of “Sinophobia” in its demand for border closures. Conservative columnist for the Manila Times, Rigoberto D. Tiglao, who made the allegations in a column last week, dismissed the critics as “rabidly anti-Duterte, anti-Marcos and racist”.
And Teglo has a point. Reports of global prejudice against Chinese expats are a foolish and desperate response to the spread of the virus. However, the credibility of lawmakers, journalists, and conservative activists who fully support Duterte’s other domestic policies—including the president’s notorious pattern—when it comes to racism.
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Chinese Filipinos make up the largest ethnic minority in the country, and are well represented in the upper echelons of the business community and politics. However, the long history did not protect them from fears.
Indeed, Duterte’s own comments muddy the waters. He linked the anti-racism comments to the importance of China as a trading partner. “China has been nice to us, we can show them the same kind. Stop this xenophobia,” he said shortly after the death of a Chinese national in early February. By making criticism of the coronavirus and the public health response an issue of identity, Duterte is seeking to and his allied supporters to divide the left through its language and values.This criticism must be heard – but the Chinese ethnic minority must be heard.
Chinese Filipinos make up the largest ethnic minority in the country, and are well represented in the upper echelons of the business community and politics. However, the long history has not shielded society from fears. Binondo, Manila’s Chinatown and the oldest in the world, briefly became the epicenter of rumored cases before the first confirmation.
The Politics Of Racism As The Philippines Struggles With Coronavirus
Cal Teo, a Filipino of Chinese descent, wrote at length for Rappler about the pressure and ostracism he feels from the community. “I have never seen Chinese people apologize just because they are Chinese. I have never been ashamed of having a Chinese last name,” she said, citing cases of discrimination in which Chinese students have been put into self-quarantine by schools.
The final word has to go to Teresita Ang See, leader of the Filipino Chinese community group Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran. She believes the racism associated with it is more harmful to the country than a public health crisis. As she puts it: “Your stances against us, finger pointing and racism are deadly and cause more permanent damage than the virus we are now collectively fighting as humanity.”
Both India and Pakistan have deep ties with Afghanistan, and with the withdrawal of US forces, the latest conflict could fill the void.
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